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The foreign action of the secessionists urgently requires internal consensus

18 MAY 2019 – 00:00 CEST

Image of the independence leaders tried in the Supreme Court, the day of the beginning of the trial (on February 12). Emilio Naranjo (EFE)

The fifth political force in Germany, Die Linke, registered last Thursday in the Bundestag a motion in which the Berlin Government is required to become interested in the alleged violation of the human rights of the independence leaders tried in the Spanish Supreme Court. The motion has little chance of success, but it has made it possible to notice the international strategy adopted by the secessionist parties, as well as the serious cost that Spain is paying abroad for the lack of internal political consensus.

The motion presented in the Bundestag, in addition to the behind-the-scenes efforts of the pro-independence parties in the Council of Europe, warns that the so-called internationalization of the conflict they are pursuing is not being developed only or mainly in the field of opinion, but, above all, in the field of multilateral organizations and in the parliaments of some of the main European states, such as French a few weeks ago or German at the moment. The Generalitat and the Parlament have neglected to solve the problems of the citizens of Catalonia, but not to use all the institutional resources at their disposal to manipulate them, transmitting to them the false appearance that the cause of secession is advancing in the world.

In this strategy, the simple registration of a motion in a foreign legislative chamber, which is an obligatory procedural act, is presented to pro-independence voters as a firm condemnation of the Spanish democratic system, which has neither occurred nor is  expected to occur in any case. Similarly, promoting these motions by associating the name of Spain with that of other countries whose democracy is in question, such as Turkey, only seeks the propagandistic effect of contiguity, knowing that in the underlying issue there is no relationship. Or better, it exists, but only between the behavior of those governments under suspicion and that of the Generalitat.

The government of the Generalitat has not hesitated to close the Parliament at its best convenience, suspend a democratic Constitution in a routine voting and under pressure from the street which it actively encourages, use the security forces and bodies under its command for partisan purposes or stay passive before the harassment of non-nationalists in the towns of the interior of Catalonia, including children in schools. And all this under the indifferent gaze of a president who spurs the self-proclaimed defense committees in charge of these actions and who declares himself a puppet in the hands of a fugitive from justice without any institutional representation.

The current international strategy of the separatism, which relies on unfairly established networks, ready for the eventual occasion to occur,º under the presidency of Jordi Pujol, today investigated for corruption, does not demand so much a propaganda response as an unequivocally political action, and the first step is consensus between parliamentary forces. The behavior of the Board of Congress, still led by the PP and Citizens, avoiding addressing the Bundestag in relation to the Die Linke initiative, is evidence that not only pro-independence activists seek benefits in the conflict. Neither the citizens of Catalonia nor those of the rest of Spain deserve to be victims of such obscure games.



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