Sábado, 02/11/2019 – 12:43
The presence, yes or yes, of the Kings in Barcelona and the N-10 election day determine a crucial week for all of Spain
The Government considers the ‘conseller’ Miquel Buch essential in the Catalan Executive and disrupts the Catalan ‘digital republic’
At medium distance, contemplation of the situation in Catalonia causes perplexity. It is not possible to explain the “unanimism” of its public expressions – a concept well developed by the philosopher and president of the Senate, Manuel Cruz – without the density of an intimidating environment that crushes the plurality of the voices of Catalan society and imposes a politically correct canon according to which anything other than an adherence to secessionist thesis deserves the silence or the ominous qualifier of ‘botifler’ (traitor). Therefore, the constitutionalist demonstration of last Sunday in Barcelona is of particular value, but also that the dizzying events have made it too fleeting an episode, considered for the benefit of inventory.
The week that begins the November 4th, with the presence in the capital of Catalonia of the Kings and its daughters to present the awards of the Princess de Girona Foundation, and which concludes with the electoral day of the N-10, is considered in Madrid as of the highest risk. Street violence has become a new and perverse sign of identity from the “conflict” that makes it media-expanding and redeems frustration from the failure of the sovereign process.
Breaking all the rules of democratic engagement, independence political and social leaders treat vandalism with an accomplicebene, understand it, and encourage it to the extent that they stigmatize the Mossos d’Esquadra, put them under investigation , they shook them on public television (‘dogs’, like the ‘txakurras’ in Basque, insultthrowed to policemen and civilian guards in the Basque Country) and throw to the ‘conseller’ of Interior, Miquel Buch, key man for the Moncloa at the moment and without whom they would be made necessary extraordinary measures.
The alignment of the rectors of Catalan universities – whether by conviction, or by the intimidation of radical students – closes the social and political circuit of apparent support for the ‘procés’, of rejection of the supreme court’s ruling, of claiming amnesty and condemnation of “police violence”. It is demonstrated by denouncing it that the democratic narrative has been defeated again by the secessionist, at least in Catalonia, although it causes extreme irritation outside it and in the silent dissenting sectors and which, according to the history of the elections, is more 50% of Catalan citizenship.
It is expected that someone will dissent in independence and support the term “collaborationist”
At the same time, a false institutionalization, parallel to the Generalitat, like that assembly of elected officials that had the enraged presence of Quim Torra, collapses the structure of the administrative, political and legislative powers of the autonomous community and introduces in increasingly powerful doses the ingredients that define chaos. A chaos where nothing matters. It does not matter that conventions and symposia are suspended in Barcelona; it does not matter that the Catalan economy suffers with objective data to prove it; nor that the brand of the capital of Catalonia is associated with the most conflicted of the moment. Patriotism thus becomes the last refuge, not only of the scoundrels, as Samuel Johnson wrote, but also of the losers.
The slow and constant destruction of Catalonia’s assets would seem to have to claim a certain presence of mind in the most sensible and responsible people and bodies. But the silence reigns because the country lives under the shadow of the syndrome of Philippe Pétain, the French marshal who was the hero of the Battle of Verdun during the First World War, but who became the villain collaborationist with the Nazis by headlining the government of Vichy.
The insult to the adversary
It has already been heard that Torra is so active in secessionist sectoism, not only out of conviction, but also as a precaution: he is obsessed that he may be described as “collaborator” with the regime of ’78, with any form of docility or acceptance of the democratic legitimacy of the constitutional government or with urbanity in its relationship with the head of the State. The plasticity with which the opponent is insulted with the description of ‘botifler’ is unmatched anywhere else in Spain, even in that Basque country of the lead years. No one is willing to be considered a Catalan Pétain.
The Spanish legal system is not adequately used to intervene effectively in this phenomenon of insurrection fostered from the institutions. The demand for Pedro Sánchez to “hard hand” and the apparent statuary position of the acting president does not refer to political paralysis, but to a lack of legal instruments, to a shortfall in regulatory forecasts to address the pre-revolutionary Catalan phenomenon. The imminent decree law to try to disrupt the Catalan ‘digital republic’ demonstrates the effort of the Executive to implement measures against separatism without resorting to extraordinary ones.
The Catalan ‘momentum’
There is the distant hope – the only solid one for the Catalan dynamic to record a substantial correction – that someone will come out, at some point, with moral and political authority, who says enough and supports, regardless, to be considered a Pétain “collaborator” “. There comes a time in the history of the peoples when they condemn themselves or rescue themselves. That is the true and forthcoming Catalan ‘momentum’, while that of the whole of Spain is the presence, yes or yes, of the King on Next Monday and Tuesday in Barcelona. A Barca-Madrid can be suspended by precaution or impotence, but in no case – without causing ruinous consequences – the agenda of the head of state by prudence which, in this case, would be politically reckless.