Mario Romeo, Public Notary, president of Portes Obertes del Catalanisme platform
Quim Torra i Pere Aragonès. QUIQUE GARCIA EFE
It seems quite evident that Catalonia is immersed in a triple crisis of governance, economic and social, and reputation. Covid-19 pandemic uncovers, crudely, the structural weaknesses of Catalonia in areas as sensitive as health, education, employment or the industrial fabric, and the weakness of our institutions, Parliament, Government and Presidency of the Generalitat, often prisoners of nominally radical positions that lead nowhere. Catalonia had never before had so little influence in Spain and Europe.
In a few weeks, the Catalan Government has gone from stating that it would have managed rather on its own the health, social and economic crisis derived from the pandemic and from endorsing the origin of the problems to the State (new version of “Spain robs us”) to show their lack of determination and authority to address the outbreaks of coronavirus in Lleida and Barcelona and their area.
The crisis reflects the inability of the pro-independence government to assume its responsibilities in the daily administration of what most citizens worry about, such as the evolution of the pandemic, the situation of the economy and companies or education, and also highlights the differences between the members of Junts per Catalunya and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya in view of the prospect of elections in the autumn, in open competition to attract the pro-independence electorate even if it is blurring the respective ideological approaches.
The elections are necessary to clarify the Catalan political landscape, to decide the strategies that allow the country to get out of the social and economic depression and help it regain self-esteem, but they run the risk of becoming another paralyzing dispute between the two majority pro-independence forces .
In this framework, the offer led by the former president of the Generalitat, Carles Puigdemont, represents a return to the past: blind faith in a story as magical as it is impossible that does not find an echo outside its environment, but which serves to control the mechanisms of power and influence in the regional autonomous institution, with a budget of more than 25,000 million euros and 200,000 public employees. It is a familiar path: more paralysis and wear and tear, more erosion of the progressive government of Spain and further distancing from Europe, when it is more necessary than ever.
It is clear that in Catalonia we have a political problem that should be resolved through dialogue and agreement, as would correspond to a mature, plural and diverse society, and that the solution will not come from unilateral decisions, but neither from strictly judicial ones. There is no other way, in my opinion, but to achieve a broad commitment to ensure social cohesion and civil unity, to obtain more self-government but also more effectiveness in the Government. To defend the national and cultural reality of Catalonia and to commit to governance and plurality of Spain, for the desire to want to have a relevant role in Europe counting on the great asset that is Barcelona.
I am sure, there is a different and possible way of progress for Catalonia, led by a transversal and inclusive Catalanism and by the political forces that are recognized. I am convinced that Catalanism, plural and diverse like the same society, inclusive, pro-European and supportive, has the obligation to agree to offer solutions to the community as a whole.